Journal of Liberty and International Affairs 2020-08-14T08:25:50+02:00 Goran Ilik Open Journal Systems <p><span class="text14_333"><span class="blue16"><em>Journal of Liberty and International Affairs </em>is a triannual (3 issues per year), international, open-access, and peer-reviewed journal published by the<em> Institute for Research and European Studies. </em>It welcomes submissions from political sciences, international relations, international law, and related fields. The journal embraces multi- and interdisciplinary scholarship and comparative approaches. <em>Journal of Liberty and International Affairs</em></span></span> is <a href="">indexed/abstracted</a> in EBSCO, DOAJ, CEEOL, SSOAR, ERIH PLUS, HeinOnline, Index Copernicus, ANVUR, Google Scholar, ProQuest etc.</p> <hr /> <p>ISSN: <span class="grey121">1857-9760</span> (online)</p> <p>Submit Paper by Email:</p> <hr /> Cover Page and Table of Contents 2020-08-13T18:08:40+02:00 Journal of Liberty and International Affairs <p><span class="text14_333"><span class="blue16"><em>Journal of Liberty and International Affairs </em>is a triannual (3 issues per year), international, open-access, and peer-reviewed journal published by the<em> Institute for Research and European Studies. </em>It welcomes submissions from political sciences, international relations, international law, and related fields. The journal embraces multi- and interdisciplinary scholarship and comparative approaches. <em>Journal of Liberty and International Affairs</em></span></span> is <a href="">indexed/abstracted</a> in EBSCO, DOAJ, CEEOL, SSOAR, ERIH PLUS, HeinOnline, Index Copernicus, ANVUR, Google Scholar, etc.</p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 SECOND INSTANCE ADMINISTRATIVE COMMISSIONS AND THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURTS EFFICIENCY IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA 2020-08-13T18:10:49+02:00 Iskra Akimovska Maletic Dragan Gocevski <p><em>The paper aims to evaluate the direct and indirect determinants of the system for administrative legal protection efficiency in the Republic of North Macedonia. For this purpose, the paper analyzes the legal and institutional framework of administrative authorities i.e. the second instance administrative commissions that act on the appeal against the decisions of the first instance administrative bodies, as well as the legal and institutional framework of the Administrative and Higher Administrative Court that provide administrative-judicial protection against administrative acts. The paper assesses internal efficiency determinants for three second instance state commissions that provide legal protection in administrative procedure in the country, independently, as well as the two administrative courts: staff (administrative staff, number of elected members of second instance commissions, number of judges), number of newly formed cases, number of resolved cases and number of unresolved cases at the end of a year. </em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 RUSSIA’S NEW SOFT POWER: THE MIR CARD SYSTEM 2020-08-13T18:26:55+02:00 Gabriella Gricius <p><em>After the onset of Western sanctions in 2014, the Russian National Card Payment System (NSPK) and its corresponding Mir bank cards launched the following year. Five years later, estimates show that 56 million people are using Mir cards, more than 20 percent of Russia’s bank card market and will be operational in twelve foreign countries. Traditionally, scholars have examined Russian soft power as aiming to integrate post-Soviet countries with Russia and Central Asian countries through promoting beneficial economic and cultural relationships. With the Mir card system, Russia is seeking primarily to become less dependent on a dollar-dominated financial system, as well as to avoid potentially increasing US sanctions and to overarchingly seek to build a multipolar system. This research will investigate the Mir card system.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 SUSTAINING POWER THROUGH EXTERNAL THREATS: THE POWER OF ENEMY IMAGES IN RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN 2020-08-13T18:32:33+02:00 Aram Terzyan <p><em>Despite the growing body of research on authoritarian regimes, few studies address the issues of their </em><em>legitimization through exaggerating external threats and constructing enemy images. Targeting the gap in the literature, this article explores the discursive strategies of ‘evilization’ and demonization of the ‘other’, with a focus on their implications for legitimating and sustaining the authoritarian regimes in post-Soviet space. Examining the cases of Russia and Azerbaijan, the qualitative, comparative analysis presented in this article uncovers a series of essential similarities between the regimes’ legitimization strategies. Findings suggest that there has been a strong tendency in both Russian and Azerbaijani discourses to ‘externalize’ major problems facing the countries and scapegoat ‘evil forces’ as their main causes. Frequent appeals to the external threats have been accompanied by a heightened emphasis on the necessity of strong presidential power, with ‘strongmen’ that are capable of withstanding the enemies’ conspiracies. Remarkably, one of the core similarities between the two regimes is their unstoppable drive towards monarchical presidencies.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 THE GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AS AN INSTRUMENT OF WARFARE IN ARMED CONFLICTS 2020-08-13T18:35:51+02:00 Collins G. Adeyanju <p><em>The gender-based violence in recent times has become an integral part of the on-going Boko Haram Insurgency in North-East Nigeria. Since the full-scale declaration of combat between the Nigerian state and the insurgent group, the asymmetrical tactics of the group have been evolving, based on its capabilities. The recent spike in the targeted raid and attack on female schools, markets, and female institutions purposely for abduction and kidnapping of women and girls indicated this assertion. Due to the depletion of its fighters and loss of territories, there is a surge in mass deployment of ‘women and young girls’ as material instruments of warfare: fighters, suicide bombers, human shields, bargaining tools, sex slaves, informants, and so on. This article appraises the gender push-pull factors responsible, motivation behind the current behavior, and proffers some policy guidance.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 PROTECTION FROM GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE BEFORE THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS 2020-08-13T18:40:48+02:00 Jelena Ristik <p><em>Despite the lack of specific provisions in the European Convention on Human Rights regarding gender-based violence, the European Court of Human Rights has developed a substantial body of case-law in this area. It has been done through the interpretation and application of a number of provisions in the European Convention on Human Rights that are relevant to gender-based violence. This paper provides a review of the approach of the European Court of Human Rights in cases concerning gender-based violence. Namely, it is evident that a remarkable spate of cases dealing with gender-based violence is considered by the European Court of Human Rights, which provides very solid protection in this field. However, it seems that certain aspects of the case-law on gender-based violence are somewhat inconsistent. In this sense, having in mind that the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights are the main guidelines for the States in fulfilling their obligations arising from the Convention, it is very important for the Court to fully clarify its approach in this regard.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 SOFT POWER CONTEXT OF CHINESE INVESTMENTS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES VS. OPPORTUNITIES 2020-08-14T07:51:56+02:00 Daniela Cvetanovska <p><em>This paper presents a constructivist take on soft power, by analyzing the contextual factors which influence Chinese investments (COFDI) to the EU as a relevant soft power resource. The contextual analysis shows which constraining and stimulating (internal and external) factors condition COFDI in leveraging soft power for China. Additionally, the article provides solutions for soft power optimization, since soft power resources aim to entice and foster cooperative relations toward a ‘win-win’ behavior. The issues presented here have profound implications for future studies on soft power and the political economy of Chinese investments in the EU.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 THE PROBLEM OF THE ‘OLD’ WORKING CLASS DEPRESSION ESPECIALLY THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE USA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 2016 AND 2020 2020-08-14T07:55:36+02:00 Slavejko Sasajkovski 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 TURBULENCE ON THE GLOBAL ECONOMY INFLUENCED BY ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND FOREIGN POLICY INEFFICIENCIES 2020-08-14T08:00:32+02:00 Kwadwo Osei Bonsu Jie Song <p><em>It is said that Data and Information are the new oil. One, who handles the data, handles the emerging future of the global economy. Complex algorithms and intelligence-based filter programs are utilized to manage, store, handle, and maneuver vast amounts of data for the fulfillment of specific purposes. This paper seeks to find the bridge between artificial intelligence and its impact on international policy implementation in the light of geopolitical influence, the global economy, and the future of labor markets. We hypothesize that the distortion in the labor markets caused by artificial intelligence can be mitigated by a collaborative international foreign policy on the deployment of AI in the industrial circles. We, in this paper, then proceed to propose a disposition forth essentials of AI-based foreign policy and implementation, while asking questions such as: could AI become the real ‘invisible hand’ discussed by economists?</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920 2020-08-14T08:05:40+02:00 Erjon Dervishi <p><em>This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition of Albanian state July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 THE JAPANESE DIPLOMACY IN ASIA: EVOLUTION AND CHALLENGES 2020-08-14T08:11:51+02:00 Georgios Zacharias <p><em>The diplomacy of Japan towards its Asian neighbors has always been a complex issue. Throughout the years, the foreign policy of Japan has witnessed severe alterations specifically after the Second World War. Since then, new challenges and opportunities have risen which have formed a new, adapted Japanese diplomacy, albeit not disconnected from its traditional aspects and its past. The current purpose of the paper is to highlight these evolutions and challenges of the post-WWII Japanese diplomacy. The focus will be on the two main neighbors and traditional partners of Japan, the People’s Republic of China, and the Republic of Korea. There will be an effort to highlight the challenges that Japan experiences with the aforementioned countries, its diplomatic approaches, and how these could be evolved in the near future. </em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 THE SUI GENERIS NATURE OF THE COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC AND TRADE AGREEMENT BETWEEN CANADA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION 2020-08-14T08:18:36+02:00 Marija Fileva <p><em>The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union (CETA) due the contracting parties include a large number of involved countries, which fact creates an ambiguous possibility of various implications in the worldwide business practice considering the different national legal systems. In my paper I am using a deductive approach to the relationship between the theory and the research with an emphasis on the two research questions: Why the ISDS (Investor State Dispute Settlement) from CETA sparked the greatest attention?, and What is causing the legal discrepancy between the CETA’s provisions on hard copy and the possible implementation in business practice?. My paper is focused on the implications from the CETA’s concluding in the business practice, taking into consideration that CETA is a combination of strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and possible threats.</em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 REFOCUSING THE EUROPEAN UNION ATTENTION ON THE WESTERN BALKANS: THE IMPACT OF THE BERLIN PROCESS 2020-08-14T08:22:22+02:00 Elton Tota <p><em>The expectations of the Western Balkans (WB) on the EU membership perspective could have been ‘undermined’ with the halt in the EU enlargement process as declared by the former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker in 2014. In the meantime, even though the WB countries were part of the EU’s regional approach through the mechanism of Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) working on the implementation of the Acquis Communautaire, the slowing down of the integration process could have economic and political consequences and threaten the regional stability. This paper shows how the Berlin Process (2014) was the proper intergovernmental initiative taken by some EU Member States to keep alive the EU integration perspective of the WB, thus refocusing the EU attention on the challenges the WB was facing on the way towards EU integration.&nbsp;&nbsp; </em></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020 US-CHINA RIVALRY FOR GLOBAL HEGEMONY 2020-08-14T08:25:50+02:00 Valeri Modebadze <p><em>This article describes the competition between China and the USA for global hegemony. Both states have hegemonic ambitions and compete with each other over the domination of Asia. The rise of China has transformed global politics, as well as the balance of the global economy. As China’s economic and military power increases steadily, its geopolitical ambitions are also constantly growing. Some experts do not exclude the possibility of conflict between China and the USA in the future. There are many potential hot spots in East Asia where conflict could erupt at any time in the future between the USA and China. Many experts doubt whether the USA and China can escape Thucydides’ Trap in the future. </em></p> 2020-08-17T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2020